Othered Out of Democracy

On Monday mornings, my clients at the Community Health Clinic (CHC) usually would not show for sessions. Mostly because it was Monday or because of the weather. I logged into my medical portal expecting my 8 AM to ‘no show’ but I saw a new client, named Lewis, populate as green. After our first intake session I got to learn of his background and story. From then on Lewis never missed a session. One morning, the caffeine from my coffee had not kicked  in when he barged into my office without knocking.

“Miss, let me play a song that’s been making me feel joy on this fine morning!”  He was already plugging the speaker into the outlet of my office. Suddenly ‘Gimme the Loot’ by Notorious B.I.G. was blasting in my office and I did not need my coffee anymore. Other times he would re-schedule for afternoon sessions because he had to drop his granddaughter off at daycare. One of those afternoons he sat in my office chair after I had back to back intakes. 

“Oooh whoever sat here had a nice big, warm butt Miss.” I broke out a deep laugh. He looked at me proudly, “I broke you with that one!”

I first met “Lewis” working as a psychotherapist in one of New York City’s (NYC) Article  31 Community Health Clinics, otherwise known to provide Mental Health Outpatient Treatment and Rehabilitative Services (MHOTRS).  “Lewis” is a fictional character developed from generalized narratives from victims of New York State’s disenfranchisement laws. Otherwise known as laws that revoke individuals the right to vote. These CHC’s employ licensed clinicians, social workers and medical providers to integrate behavioral health care through psychiatric services, psychotherapy, and case management services. Although I encountered all walks of life, I provided therapy to those disproportionately affected by crime and violence. To protect the anonymity of post-incarcerated individuals receiving services at these clinics, all identifying information, details and circumstances are obscured to protect patient confidentiality. Moreover, I was a therapist to this population during the 2024 presidential election.

 Oftentimes, Lewis would share the origin story of his first drug deal in Harlem with his cousin.

 “I didn’t know where I was going until my cousin’s buddy hopped out of the car into an apartment in Harlem. He came back in with bags of crack-cocaine in a duffel bag. That was the first time I tried it” Lewis had relayed to me in one of our sessions during late October of 2024. He fiddled with his chains around his neck while telling me this. Lewis grew up during President Reagan’s War on Drugs and would be incarcerated for drug possession, drug distribution and gun possession. He did not have the right to vote while imprisoned and, for most of his life post-release, he was also barred from voting.  

As of now, citizens of New York who are released from prison have the right to vote regardless of conviction status, though they are barred to vote while imprisoned (Voting Rights Restoration Efforts in New York, 2021). Like many who re-enter society after being released from prison, Lewis fell back into gang violence and became a part of the recidivism percentage. Lewis was half Black and half Latino; “New - Yorican” as he put it since he was born in NYC but of Puerto Rican heritage. He never knew his father and was often physically abused by his mother and her revolving boyfriends. Lewis was a sophomore when he dropped out of high school to contribute to the family household as a mechanic. His mom needed help feeding his two younger siblings. During the in-between phases of reconviction, he faced homelessness and battled drug addiction. Lewis today, now pushing towards his late sixties, often relayed to me his regrets and how he wished he had joined the army. 

“At least I would have had a veteran status and may have received a pension” was often repeated in our sessions. Although Lewis’ story touches on many inequalities that marginalized communities in NYC face, I was struck at how othered Lewis felt as an American. 

One of the United States’ most protected rights is the right to vote. As of 2025, at least four million Americans do not have suffrage due to criminal penalties (Porter & Chung, 2021). Prior to codifying the U.S. constitution in 1787, English colonists introduced disenfranchisement laws for those facing criminal penalties. We have since made amendments to expand voting rights including the 14th, the Equal Protection Clause, the 15th, prohibiting race-based discrimination, the 19th, to protect women’s suffrage, the 24th, removing federal and state-imposed taxes on voters during federal elections, and lastly the 26th, to lower the voting age to 18 years old. Our country has democratized voting rights since 1787, but it skews for citizens with criminal sentences state to state (States, Not the President, Run Elections in America, 2025). Readers may be wondering what New York’s history of disenfranchisement laws are. 

After the Civil War, New York continued to support the disenfranchisement of those convicted of crimes despite the enactment of the 14th and the 15th amendments (Budd, 2025). As New York’s disenfranchisement laws currently stand, individuals completing felony level sentences in prison or jail are barred from voting while imprisoned. It is important to note that New York has made legislative reforms for the post-incarcerated community within the last eight years. In 2018, Governor Cuomo and other NY-based advocacy groups, such as the Brennan Center for Justice, began to make efforts to restore voting rights for those on parole (Voting Rights Restoration Efforts in New York, 2021). Legislative reform was enacted to automatically restore voting rights to individuals on parole or under a term of post-release supervision. In addition, it is now a requirement that these individuals are provided notice for voter registration once released from prison (Voting after Incarceration, 2021). Governor Hochul also signed the Clean Slate Act in November of 2023, which allowed certain eligible convictions to be sealed after re-entry post-incarceration. This Act sealed records for individuals with specific felonies after eight years post-release, provided that no crime was committed during those eight years. It was signed with the intention to promote public safety by making it easier to obtain education, employment, and housing for those re-entering society. However, employers are still allowed to conduct fingerprint criminal history checks, and the “clock restarts” if the individual faces a conviction or their parole and probation is revoked within the given timeframe (Governor Hochul Expands Economic Opportunity for New Yorkers, Protects Public Safety by Signing the Clean Slate Act, 2023). Despite these reparative reforms, they do not address the root issue of restoring this group's ability to vote while facing imprisonment.

The source issue often encountered in my sessions was ‘othering.’ Othering is “a set of dynamics, processes, and structures that engender marginality and persistent inequality across any of the full range of human differences based on group identities” (powell & Menendian, 2017). No, that was not an oversight keeping powell’s name in lowercase. john a. powell, Professor of Law and civil rights expert, chooses not to capitalize his name to reinforce that we are “part of the universe, not over it as capitals signify” (Cockrell, 2012). He embodies the insignificance of prestige, a form of othering, while working closely with Stephen Menendian, Director of Research at the Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society.  In layman’s terms, othering is any expression of prejudice to ostracize another group.  Any discrimination falls under othering, which includes but is not limited to: gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disabilities, class, and religion. These discriminations can translate to the systems of segregation, redlining, and assimilation (powell & Menendian, 2017). An example of this may be feeling like we do not belong in the majority group because of having different interests, beliefs, self-expression, or identity. Many individuals in America face hardships of all sorts in the U.S. but when we hear about Lewis’ population and background; there are preconceived judgments that were already working against him before his birth. 

“I only ever knew how to fight,” Lewis shared one day after I asked him about his peers during childhood. Communities of color in NYC have historically been pushed out of Manhattan to live disproportionately in poverty and violence. Poverty promotes crime and violence, which many individuals like Lewis fell into because of their environment and socialization. Belongingness is the antidote to othering (powell & Menendian, 2017). A common sentiment I heard during the 2024 election with my post- incarcerated clients who could vote was “Miss, why even bother?” I reflected on this and saw clearly that it did not matter who was in office because their state, let alone their country, had failed to make them feel as if they belonged.

We as a country are under the victimization of a demagogue, who is named President Donald Trump. Demagogues only exacerbate discrimination and othering. Demagogues survive by instilling fear of the ‘other groups’ to which they organize politically, as seen with Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. Demagogues have existed since the beginning of civilization. Aristotle and Plato had warned humanity of demagogues who incite fear for political gain (Garber, 2015). Humanity constantly wonders why we cycle through living under demagogues, imposing discrimination, experiencing discrimination, and isolating those from the subjective ‘majority group.’ Put simply, this is due to human psychology. 

Since the beginning of time, humans have evolved to make “categorical distinctions.” If we did not use categorical reasoning, we would have been killed off by not being able to identify the poisonous berry or the venomous snake (O’Bryan et al., 2023). But it’s important to note that these categories are socially constructed. It is through word of mouth or lived experiences with others that people learn the distinction of each category (powell & Menendian, 2017). The effects of categorical distinctions have humans identify with who they are grouped with to stay with their “tribe.” A 1950’s study by Stephen G. Bloom found early evidence of this when two groups were made in a classroom based on eye color. Brown-eyed individuals were categorized as less intelligent than blue-eyed classmates. Consequently, this distinction caused group separation based on these socially constructed terms (Research Portal, 2025). No wonder why societies have built civilizations by segregating groups. We are hardwired to do so.

Segregation, redlining, and assimilation is merely a domino effect built from systemic and institutionalized frameworks of group dominance. To be blunt, white supremacy in the United States is the framework of group dominance. Black New Yorkers are disenfranchised five times more than non-Black New Yorkers. As for disenfranchised Latinx New Yorkers, they are twice as likely to be excluded from voting as non-Latinx New Yorkers (Budd, 2025). This directly denies over 33,000 imprisoned New Yorkers from voting in state, federal, and school board elections. Research finds that participating in democracy while imprisoned weakens recidivism because it diminishes the identity of being ostracized and the self-perception of being a non-member of democracy (Aviram et al., 2017). Furthermore, extending voting rights to individuals facing criminal penalties promotes public safety upon re-entry into society. If New York were to consider the 33,000 individuals barred from voting, it would be optimal to follow suit of Maine’s, Vermont’s, Washington, DC’s and Puerto Rico’s extensive voting rights to all citizens regardless of criminal penalties and imprisonment (Budd, 2025).  It is in New York’s interest to extend voting rights to all citizens because it erodes the foundation of democracy. However, this can only be done through mobilization. 

It is of utmost importance to not only stay informed of these civil rights issues but to participate and attend events with organizations who push agendas onto legislators for law reform such as the Brennan Justice for Society (Get Involved, n.d.). To make this known to Letitia James, NY State’s current attorney general, make your perspective and voice heard by submitting a civil rights voter complaint (NYSOAG Complaint Forms, 2026). Lastly, engage in community organizations and non-profits, such as The Fortune Society, that directly provides volunteer and opportunities to support individuals for reentry (Volunteer or Intern with Us | the Fortune Society, 2024). Yes, humanity can be disheartening but is not well-rounded to discredit the sacrifices and achievements made towards equality and inclusion.

The intent of this piece is to augment the voices like Lewis’ and to mobilize abolishment of New York’s disenfranchisement laws. Reform allows an opportunity for this population to re-engage in society pro-socially, and to choose a path radically inclusive as a citizen; not just become a product of an environment. Expanding dialogue and voices to the perspectives of the voiceless expands human concern which ultimately is the cure to othering (powell & Menendian, 2017). If we practice listening to the population that is stripped of their right to vote, we begin to uncover the social, psychological and economic origins of human behavior. New York should be compelled to amend disenfranchisement laws because it is the state’s responsibility for the conditions in place promoting crime. As James Baldwin, Civil Rights activist and writer, once wrote, “No one is beneath you. No one is above you. Everyone is a part of you” (Baldwin, 1963/2017). Disenfranchisement laws indirectly inform individuals that they are subhuman. 

I urged Lewis to vote during the election but he always said “New York will go blue anyways.” I challenged him but was always met with a sentiment of not being “smart enough anyways.” He never did vote nor registered to vote by the time I left the CHC. 

It is with the intent that this piece leaves you questioning the ethics of stripping a population’s right to vote; a right we as Americans have fought tirelessly for over centuries. The time is now for New York to abolish disenfranchisement laws.

References

‌Aviram, H., Bragg, A., & Lewis, C. (2017). Felon Disenfranchisement. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 13(1), 295–311. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-110316-113558

‌Baldwin, J. (2017). The Fire Next Time. Taschen. (Original work published 1963)

Budd, K. M. (2025, April 21). New York Should Restore Voting Rights to Over 33,000 Citizens – The Sentencing Project. The Sentencing Project. https://www.sentencingproject.org/fact-sheet/new-york-should-restore-voting-rights-to-over-33000-citizens/

Cockrell, C. (2012, December 12). To Berkeley civil-rights scholar, race is uppercase concern - Berkeley News. Berkeley News. https://news.berkeley.edu/2012/12/11/john-powell-profile/

‌Garber, M. (2015, December 10). The Atlantic. The Atlantic; theatlantic. http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/12/what-we-talk-about-when-we-talk-about-demagogues/419514

Get Involved | Brennan Center for Justice. (n.d.). Www.brennancenter.org. https://www.brennancenter.org/get-involved

Governor Hochul Expands Economic Opportunity for New Yorkers, Protects Public Safety by Signing the Clean Slate Act | Governor Kathy Hochul. (2023). Www.governor.ny.gov. https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-hochul-expands-economic-opportunity-new-yorkers-protects-public-safety-signing-clean

NYSOAG Complaint Forms. (2026). Ny.gov. https://pcf.ag.ny.gov/form/CIVIL

O’Bryan, S. R., Jung, S., Mohan, A. J., & Scolari, M. (2023). Category Learning Selectively Enhances Representations of Boundary-Adjacent Exemplars in Early Visual Cortex. Journal of Neuroscience, 44(3), e1039232023–e1039232023. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.1039-23.2023

Oztop, E., Kawato, M., & Arbib, M. A. (2013). Mirror neurons: functions, mechanisms and models. Neuroscience Letters, 540, 43–55. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neulet.2012.10.005

Porter, N. D., & Chung, J. (2021, July 28). Voting Rights in the Era of Mass Incarceration: A Primer. The Sentencing Project. https://www.sentencingproject.org/policy-brief/voting-rights-in-the-era-of-mass-incarceration-a-primer/

Powell, J., & Menendian, S. (2017, June 29). The Problem of Othering: Towards Inclusiveness and Belonging - Othering and Belonging. Othering and Belonging. https://www.otheringandbelonging.org/the-problem-of-othering/

‌Research Portal. (2025). Uiowa.edu. https://iro.uiowa.edu/esploro/outputs/book/Blue-eyes-brown-eyes-a-cautionary/9984199049702771

States, Not the President, Run Elections in America. (2025). State Court Report. https://statecourtreport.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/states-not-president-run-elections-america

‌Volunteer or Intern With Us | The Fortune Society. (2024, August 20). The Fortune Society. https://fortunesociety.org/volunteer-or-intern-with-us/

Voting After Incarceration. (2021). New York State Board of Elections. https://elections.ny.gov/voting-after-incarceration

Voting Rights Restoration Efforts in New York | Brennan Center for Justice. (2021). Www.brennancenter.org. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/voting-rights-restoration-efforts-new-york

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